Bella Coola Mythology.
The Bella Coola or Nuxalk territory is located north of the Kwakwaka'wakw region and borders the east side of the Bella Bella an Oowekeeno territory.   At one time there may have been 60 village sites within the Bella Coola region (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:328), which can be grouped into the following areas:

1. Villages of Bella Coola Valley
2. Villages of South Bentinck Arm
3. Villages of Dean Channel
4. Villages of Kwatna Inlet

The Bella Coola people speak three dialects of the Salishan Language family; the Bella Coola, theKimsquit, and the Tallio dialects (McIlwraith, 1948:1:17-18).  The Bella Coola language is isolated geographically from the rest of the Salish language, with the Bella Coola dialect being the most divergent within the family (Thompson and Kinkade, 1990:33). 

To the north, west and south of the Bella Coola are speakers of the Wakashan language, and to the east the people speak Athapaskan (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:323).  The Bella Coola people were strongly influenced by the Bella Bella, whom they respected for their dramatic ceremonials and spirituality (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:323).

Cosmology and Spirituality.
The Bella Coola believed that there were four worlds, stacked one upon another. The elders at the end of the nineteenth century did speak of a second underworld (Boas, 1898:27).  The Bella Coola people lived in the center world, above which existed two sky worlds. Below the peoples world the one or two ghost worlds were located (McIlwraith, 1948, 1:25).

The center world was a flat, circular island that was supported by a supernatural being that held large ropes attached to the edges of the island (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:330).  They believed that earthquakes were the result of this supernatural being adjusting his grip on the massive ropes (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:330).

The Bella Coola people strongly believed in animism, and that the many spirits assisted with tasks and supplied insightful thoughts to those with proper respect (McIlwraith 1948, 1:513).  They also believed that the animals were able to transform at will to any other being or object, and deserved much respect.  The Bella Coola believed that the supernatural powers required their prayers, offerings, as well as ceremonial chastity followed by ritual sexual intercourse (McIlwraith, 1948, 1:104-116).  Living the proper lifestyle would help ensure their safety and success.

Above the Bella Coola world existed two sky worlds, the first likened unto an inverted dome that rested on the edges of their world (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:330).  Atop of this first sky world was a flat plane, where many deities lived in a large house called nusmata, or 'place of myths, legends, and stories' (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:330).  In this greathouse the supreme deity also resided, since before time.

On top of the first sky world was another, which served as the final resting place for spirits that died in the first (McIlwraith, 1:25) although the belief in this second world was only shared among two Bella Coola families.  This second sky realm was thought to be like the prairies, lacking trees and with a constant wind (Boas, 1898:28).  In the east of this land was the house of the female deity, the 'dear one' or qumayc.  She was responsible for sickness and death when she visited the human world,and was thought to have battled the mountains long ago, reducing them to their present size (McIlwraith 1948, 1:42).

Located below the human world were two under worlds, inhabited by ghosts.  These ghosts could be heard whistling or singing near the burial site onthe fourth day after a death, since at this time the curtain separating the two worlds was drawn aside to allow the newly deceased to enter (Kennedyand Bouchard, 1990:330).  The ghosts were not able to gather enough food in their realm, and therefore needed to visit the human world often.

The ghosts in the first under world were able to travel to the first skyworld to be reborn to be sent back to the earth by the deities.  If the ghosts were unfortunate enough to die a second death, they would then pass down to the lowest under world to never return (McIlwraith 1948, 1:25).

Another realm existed under the oceans, and was thought to be similar to the human world.  It was believed that the fish and sea mammals lived and existed in human form in villages underwater (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:330).

Descent Groups.
The Bella Coola commonly believed that the supreme deity created four supernatural carpenters, who made all the animals and plants.  The supreme deity instructed the carpenters to carve human beings and then gave them life (Boas,1895:241-243).

The families believed that the myth of their origin, or smayusta, started with groups of two, three, four, or sometimes more brothers and sisters created by the supreme deity and great carpenters (Kennedy andBouchard, 1990:330).  These first ancestors were dropped to the mountain tops, traveled to the base and established villages and the territories for sustenance (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:329).

Each of the first ancestors arrived to the earth wearing a cloak that represented an animal or bird, and brought with them ceremonial knowledge, names and ancestral prerogatives.  They also carried tools and food from the deities to establish their villages (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:329).

The ancestors married within their village and descent group, although they were able to intermarry within other descent groups.  The children from a woman who married outside of her descendent group belonged to both groups, and had access to the associated rights of both parents (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:329).  The association to the descent groups was traced ambilaterally, although residence in the father's village and associated rites tended to be dominant causing the relationships to the mother's descent group to be eventually lost (McIlwraith 1948, 1:119-120).

Shamanism and Witchcraft.
The Bella Coola believed that the first ancestors were shaman, since they were close to the supernatural deity.  Then humans through time lost their power, although ordinary people were able to be transformed into one of three 'shaman' (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:335).

The shaman were believed to interact in both the natural and supernatural worlds.  They assisted in the curing of the sick, controlling or influencing the weather, and attracting sufficient fish and game for the food gatherers and hunters (Mac Donald, 1996:53).  Shaman avoided meeting one another, since they were afraid of one another's power and intention (McKenzie, 1891:57).  People believed that the shaman fought in visions, in the spirit world.  They often acted to magnify and display their power to reduce their rivals at feasts and potlatches (McKenzie, 1891:57).

A person might obtain shamanistic powers through magical means, or through a process when they were ill.  The shaman obtained their name, the power to cure the sick, and four songs as a special gift from a supernatural woman (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:335).

A second sort of shaman received their powers from ghosts, and were able to communicate with the dead.  They were believed to have the power to cure certain illnesses caused by ghosts, and were not considered evil.  These shaman were called upon to convey the needs of the dead to their living relatives (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:335).

The third type of sorcerer or witch obtained their power from corpses and was considered wicked and often feared (Smith, 1925).  Witches were known as the masters of sickness, and as such were considered the antitheses of the shaman (Wardwell, 1996:92).  The witches purposely caused disease, discord and evil that a shaman was required to reverse or remove.  The witches performed their craft in secrecy, whereas the shaman worked in public (Wardwell, 1996:92).

Witches frequented graveyards and were capable of speaking with the dead.  They has special powers, such as flying and transforming into animal or bird forms and entering trance states (Wardwell, 1996:92).  The witches worked to recruit other members, and often cast spells on their close relatives or members of their clan (DeLaguna, 1972:part 2, pg 728).

The witch was detected by the shaman in a highly theatrical spirit seance (De Laguna, 1990:221).  Once found, the witch was tightly bound with their head forced back by tying the hair to their bound hands that were placed behind their back.  A confession was coerced by pressing the thorny ' DevilsClub' plant stocks into their flesh, and they were denied food and water (De Laguna, 1990:221). 

After a confession of guilt was obtained, the witch was forced to stop the spell on the sick person.  This was accomplished by removing the 'doll' that the witch made from scraps of the victim's clothing, hair or other personal effects that was placed at the side of a dog or human corpse (De Laguna,1990:212).  Once the 'doll' was removed and washed in the sea, the ill person was expected to recover.  The witch was sometimes bound and left on the beach to be drowned by the incoming tide (De Laguna, 1990:212).

The shaman practiced frequent and prolonged periods of fasting, thirsting, and often drank sea water or Devil's Club infusions (De Laguna, 1990:212).  He also abstained from sexual relations.  Both the shaman and his wife were not permitted to cut their hair.  This strict lifestyle helped to keep the shaman 'fit' to receive and communicate with his animal helper spirits.

Bella Coola Ceremonialism.
The Bella Coola culture was rich in ceremonialism, and involved potlatches and two secret societies called the Sisaok and the Kusiut (McIlwraith, 1948).  The ceremonies were held from November to March, and were dominated by the events of the Kusiut society (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:333).

The membership in the Sisaok society was restricted to the relatives and children of certain chiefs.  The members owned Sisaok names and were able to perform an associated Sisaok dance (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:332). The Bella Coola obtained  many of their Sisaok prerogatives through marriage with the Bella Bella members. 

The Sisaok dances were performed at funerals, potlatches, and a few other occasions during village gatherings (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:332).  The Sisaok dancers wore masks that represented the dancer's crest, and performed when an ancestral or Sisaok name was validated with the distribution of food and wealth.

The initiates of the Sisaok society wore a headdress, a blanket decorated with pendant weasel skins and a collar of dyed red cedar bark.  The headdress had a small mask affixed to a headband of swan skin with many sealion whiskers extending upwards.  'Eagle down was placed within the 'cage' of whiskers.  As the dancer moved, the eagle down drifted from the headdress (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:323).

The second society, the Kusiut society, started their preparations for the ceremonies on the fourth day after the September moon was full.  It was believed that at this time, a special canoe carrying a supernatural being left the land of the salmon people and traveled up the Bella Coola River (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:333).  As the canoe traveled up the river, it was believed that other supernatural beings joined the trip and performed the Kusiut dances while waiting for the arrival of the Kusiut society leader (McIlwraith 1948, 2:41-51).

Young men were forcibly recruited into this society, and were instructedon the methods of deception used by the other members (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:334).  The secrets of the society were carefully guarded, and persons who divulged information were often put ot death (Jacobsen, 1892:438).

The young initiates's face was painted black, and they wore a blanket, anklets, cedar bark collar, headdress and wristlets of dyed cedar bark (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:334).  The relatives of the initiate were required to distribute gifts in order to validate the initiate's Kusiut name (McIlwraith 1948, 2:31-41).

The first three days of the Kusiut ceremony involved the composition of songs for the dancers and carving of masks to be used.  On the fourth day, the young initiate watched the dramatic representations of supernatural beings that were performed by the masked dancers.  The masks were usually burned after the ceremonies finished (McIlwraith 1948, 2:58). 

Some of the masks used in the Kusiut dances include the Thunder, Echo, Laughter, and HokHokw (a supernatural cannibal bird) masks (McIlwraith 1948, 2:27).  The Kusiut dancers also made use of small wooden whistles, bellows and small carved wooden figures representing animals, birds or humans (Kennedy andBouchard, 1990:334).

Potlatches were held and guests invited to witness rites associated withan ancestral myth, and for the validation of prerogatives by the means of distribution of goods (McIlwraith 1948, 1:127).  Potlatches were also given for the strengthening of the host's name and position within the house, the repurchase of a wife by the relatives of the bride, and the assigning of ancestral names to children (Drucker, 1950:205-208). 

Important events observed during potlatches included the destruction and rebuilding of a cedar plank house, the raising of a pole, and the return of an adolescent girl to the village after their year of restricted activities following the first menstruation (McIlwraith 1948, 1:370-372).

Potlatches were often held in October when there was still an abundance of food from the summer months of gathering.  Guests from outside the village were invited to certain potlatches to witness and elevate the status of the host.  These guests would then bring the news of the hosts new status to their distant villages.  This is the reason why guests from hostile villages were on occasion invited to Bella Coola potlatches (Kennedy and Bouchard, 1990:335).

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Haida Mythology.
The northern , central and southern Haida once occupied various sites around the Queen Charlotte Islands in British Columbia.  They call their territory Haida Gwaii.  Probably sometime in the eighteenth century a number of the northern Haidas migrated across Dixon Entrance to settle on a portion of the Alexander Archipelago in southeastern Alaska (Blackman,1990:240).   

The Haida in both the northern Queen Charlotte Islands and the southeastern part of Alaska speak the Masset dialect, while the rest speak the Skidegate dialect (Thompson and Kinkade, 1990:31).  The southern Haidas once spoke what was considered to been a variety of the Skidegate dialect,the Ninstints, which is now extinct (Thompson and Kinkade, 1990:31).  The northern and southern dialects differ enough that "there is only partial mutual intelligibility without practice" (Krauss,1979:838).

Cosmology and Spirituality.
The  Haida people believed that their universe was composed of three zones, each with respective villages.  The sky village rested on a solid firmament supported by a large pillar, extending upwards from 'Inland country'or the Queen Charlotte Islands; the Haida villages were situated on 'Inland Country' which in turn was supported by a mythological being, the "sacred one standing and moving" who stood on a large copper box (Swanton, 1905:12).  Below the Haida's domain was the expanse of sea and the sea village, on which rested the 'Seaward Country' or the westcoast of British Columbia (Blackman, 1990:248).

The Haida social relations were hierarchically organized, and they in turn believed that the relations within the non human world were much the same (Blackman, 1990:248).  Since animals were highly regarded by the Haidas, the animal kingdom hierarchy was decidedly complex.  They believed that animals owned souls, had transformation abilities, and were more intelligent than humans (Blackman, 1990:248).  The animals lived in their respective land, sea or sky villages and followed a social order quite similar to that of the Haidas (Blackman, 1990:248). 

Social Organization.
The Haida society is divided into two moieties, the Raven and the Eagle, both of which are composed of a number of lineages.  In the early twentieth century, some elderly Haidas noted that there were 23 Eagle and 22 Raven lineages, but these numbers changed as lineages grew and split apart (Blackman, 1990:248). 

The Haida lineages originated from several supernatural women that belonged to the Eagle and Raven moieties, whose beginnings can be traces to a number of mythical "story towns" (Swanton, 1905:72-106) located on Haida Gwaii (Blackman, 1990:248).

The lineages were often named after the specific place that the group originated or after some special property or quality that they possessed (Blackman,1990:249).  These lineages controlled land, various food gathering sites, and specific house sites within the winter villages (Blackman, 1990:249).

The intangible yet highly respected crest figures, of which Newcombe (1906) recorded over 140, were identifying figures and belonged to specific lineages (Blackman, 1990:249). The crests were mostly zoomorphic, and common crests such as eagle and killer whale belonged to both moieties (Blackman, 1990:249).  The crests were tattooed on their bodies, carved on totem poles, and carved or painted on utilitarian objects such as boxes, bowls, feast dishes and utensils (Blackman, 1990:249).  The crests were also displayed on basketry hats, canoes, ceremonial garments, drums, headdresses, helmets, and weapons (Blackman,1990:251).  A number of crests were obtained in ceremonial exchange with the Tsimshian.

The lineages also had title to specific names, such as canoe, fish trap, house, personal and various spoon names (Blackman, 1990:249).    The houses on occasion were given more than one name.  The house names often were derived from the crest names of the house owner, or events relating to the construction or physical properties of the house (Blackman, 1990:244).  The house names were transferred to newly constructed houses, even in new village sites.

Shamanism and Witchcraft.
The Shaman were believed to interact in both the natural and supernatural world.  They assisted in the curing of the sick, controlling or influencing the weather, and attracting sufficient fish and game for the food gathers and hunters (Mac Donald, 1996:53).  Shaman avoided meeting one another, as they were afraid of each other's power (McKenzie, 1891:57).  They were believed to fight in visions, and acted to magnify and display their power to reduce their rivals (McKenzie, 1891:57).

The shaman entered a trance and performed a theatrical spirit seance to communicate within the spirit realm.  Here, they were able to detect the witch that was believed to cause the sickness or harm.  Witches were known as the masters of sickness, and as such were considered the antitheses of the shaman (Wardwell, 1996:92). 
The witches purposely caused disease, discord and evil that only a shaman could reverse or remove.  The witches performed their craft in secrecy, whereas the shaman worked in public (Wardwell, 1996:92).  

The witches frequented graveyards and communicated with the dead.  They has special powers, such as flying, transforming into animal or bird forms and entering trance states (Wardwell,1996:92).  The witches worked to recruit other members, and often cast spells on their close relatives or members of their clan (De Laguna, 1972:part 2, pg 728).

Shaman were usually from high ranking families, often the brother of the chief, although women also were able to become shamen (Mac Donald, 1996:53).  The calling to become a shaman was usually hereditary, most often from maternal uncle to nephew (Swanton, 1905:38).  The spirits of the shaman were revealed to his successor just before he died, although the young shaman would often start with with a meager spirit and progress to more powerful ones (Swanton, 1905:38).

The shaman wore a long bone through the septum of his nose, and a bone tube stuck through a knot tied in his uncut hair (Swanton, 1905:40).  His only garment was a Chilkat blanket or a decorated apron of fringed deerskin with deer hooves or puffin beaks, and he wore a wedge shaped or pointed hat over his long hair collected in a knot or bun (Mac Donald, 1996:54).  The shaman wore a neck ring of wood that was covered with hide.  From the hide he suspended a number of bone, ivory or stone charms, bird and land otterfigures being the most common, and fish and whale charms being less common(Mac Donald,1996:57).

The shaman held a bone soul catcher in his right hand, and in his left he held one of three types of rattles.  One was a globular rattle with a carved human face on one side and a carved and painted flat design on the other, and was filled with smooth stones or trade beads (Mac Donald, 1996:57).  A second rattle was formed from hoops of wood with crossbars, with many deer hooves or puffin beaks attached.  The third rattle, unique to Haida shaman,was a carved wooded double headed dance wand with many attached puffin beaks (Mac Donald, 1996, 57).  Puffins were revered because of their ability to dive and quickly disappear into the underwater cosmic zone, analogous to the shaman slipping into the spirit world.

The shaman kept his charms and paraphernalia in a strong red cedar bentwood box, often carved with his protective animal images (Mac Donald, 1996:67).  All the objects associated with the shaman were sacred, and were buried with him in his mortuary house, or utilized by his successor.  The house was protected by two carved corner posts and topped with a carving of his animal protector.

Haida Ceremonies.
The high ranking people in the Haida society were responsible for hosting dance performances, feasts and potlatches.  Chiefs held potlatches for a number of reasons, such as the succession to title after the death of a noble person, the validation of the noble standing of children, or the completion of a cedar plank house (Blackman, 1990:252).

Upon the death of a noble person, a mortuary potlatch was held during which the heir assumed their title.  Titles were passed to the next oldest brother, any brother, and the oldest sister's eldest son (Stearns, 1984:195).  A memorial pole or a mortuary column was carved and erected, followed by wealth distribution (Blackman, 1990:252).  The Haidas believed in reincarnation, and often people near their death would give a reincarnation promise and specify their next set of parents (Blackman, 1990:255).

The house owner gave a large and elaborate potlatch after the completion of a cedar plank house and frontal pole, which served to reimburse those involved in the building of the house.  During this potlatch, the new house owner's children received potlatch names and tattoos, to guarantee their high-ranking status (Blackman, 1990:252).  The tattoos were their visible signs of nobility.

Feasts were also given, often separate from the potlatches.  Reasons for feasting included death, honoring of high-ranking visitors, enhancement of one's own prestige, marriage or the first naming of a child (Blackman, 1990:252).  The guests were seated according to their rank, special foods were in elaborately sculptured and sometimes painted feast dishes were served with carved mountain goat horn spoons (Blackman, 1990:252).

During potlatches, shaman or members of the dancing "societies" often performed.  The dances were believed to originate from the Northern Wakashan winter ceremonial dances from uninitiated Bella Bella war captives (Curtis, 1907-1930:11:39).  The esoteric aspects and background mythology of the dances were not known to the uninitiated war captives nor to the Haidas (Blackman, 1990:253).   The dancers performed at both the house completion potlatches and the mortuary potlatches.

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Tlingit Mythology.
The coastal Tlingit (not including the Atlin or Teslin Tlingit of the Yukon Territory) can be grouped into three similar tribes; the Gulf Coast Tlingit, the Northern Tlingit,and the Southern Tlingit (De Laguna, 1990:203).  Their territory is located on the mainland and many islands of the southeastern Alaska panhandle.  They lost some territory to the east in 1906 after the Canadian-United States border was established (De Laguna, 1990:203).  They gave up their fishing rights on the upper portions of the Stikine and Taku Rivers after 1906 as a result of the new border.

The Tlingit language is spoken over a relatively large area, yet it is ahomogeneous language with only slight dialect diversity (Swanton,1911).  There are four main dialects; the Inland, the Gulf Coast, theNorthern and the Southern branch (Thompson and Kinkade, 1990:34).  TheTlingit language shares similarities with the neighboring Athapaskan and Eyak languages (Thompson  and Kinkade, 1990:31).

Cosmology and Spirituality.
The Tlingit universe was composed of the sky world, the earth world, and the underworld (Wardwell, 1996:24).  They practiced a developed form of animism in which they believed that the world was controlled by a number of spiritual forces that were responsible for everything. TheTlingit believed that they were held accountable for their actions, and this determined their success in life.

All aspects of nature were believed to possess a soul, both the living and inanimate such as animals, celestial bodies and forces of nature.  For the Tlingit, both fishing and hunting were thought of as moral and religious activities, since they were killing creatures with souls similar to their own (De Laguna,1990:209).  No animals were mocked or unnecessarily killed, and those that were taken for subsistence were thanked in prayer, with song and eagle down (De Laguna, 1990:209).  The hunters believed that the animals would be reincarnated, and it was necessary to inter, return to the water or cremate certain of the animal parts (De Laguna, 1990:209).

In the forest they believed that there was a spiritual "Property Woman ", and in the underworld, a mysterious "Sea Monster" (De Laguna,1990:223).  The people who saw these mythic beings could receive great fortune and health if they knew what actions were required of them (De Laguna, 1990:223).  The Tlingit world was also full of other mystifying beings, that were able to help or to hinder, depending on how they were treated or disrespected.

After death, the Tlingit thought that the person traveled into another plane, that would eventually lead to their reincarnation.  People that died of natural causes traveled through a spiritual thorny forest and over a mythical river to the "Town of the Dead" (De Laguna, 1990:223).  Here the deceased were able to warm themselves by the cremation fires and consumed the food and drink put into the funeral fire at their memorial potlatch (De Laguna, 1990:223). 

Above the sky world was a "heaven" or land, where those who died from violence went to, and separate from this realm was "Raven's Home" or "Dog Heaven"where the very wicked ended up (Swanton 1908a:461; De Laguna, 1972, 2:771-772). The wicked were those who were liars, thieves or witches, each of which shared the same fate after their death.

Social Organization. 
The Tlingit society was divided into two matrilineal moieties, the Raven and the Wolf, although in the north there was an Eagle moiety (De Laguna, 1990:212).  The moieties were composed of up to 30 clans, and the clans were divided into lineage or house groups (De Laguna, 1990:212).  The members of the lineage or house group believed that they could trace their roots to the founding ancestor.

The nobility were the chiefs or headsmen of the clans or lineage and included their immediate relatives.  They had title to and controlled the hunting and food gathering grounds, the house sites, the heirloom objects and the personal names (De Laguna, 1990:212).  The nobility were also responsible for the groups well being and planned the various ceremonies.  

Each clan or lineage owned and treasured their crests, which were certain ancestral heroes, sea animals, heavenly bodies, invertebrates, prominent landmarks or zoomorphic representations (De Laguna, 1990:213).  The Tlingit crests system was also used to alignthe Haida or Tsimshian tribes with their own for marriage or potlatching purposes (De Laguna, 1990:213). 

The Tlingit carved , painted or wove their crest designs on blankets, body armor and helmets, canoes, ceremonial regalia, feast dishes and utensils, house fronts and totem poles.  When the crest was displayed at feasts or potlatches, members of the opposite moiety were paid a fee for witnessing the validation of their crest and the rights of to the claimed title.

Shamanism and Witchcraft.
The Tlingit shaman were respected as powerful figures in their clan or lineage and were paid for their services.  The Tlingit believed that the shaman had the ability to control the weather, cure the sick, facilitate the success in hunting or finding of a lost object, predict the future, and rescue and heal the soles of drowned or killed woodsmen (De Laguna, 1990:221).  It was believed that the 'Land Otter Men' captured people's souls that drowned or died in the woods, and were subsequently transformed into a land otter form.  The land otter was also noted as the animal helper spirit that the shaman most often called upon (De Laguna, 1990:210).

The shaman's helper spirits had a personal name, which he often took as his own (De Laguna, 1990:221).  The spirits usually appeared to the shaman in an animal or anthropomorphic form.  This form was represented on the shaman's regalia, the carved rattles, the decorated robes, the headdress, the ivory charms, and the masks. The shaman summoned the spirits which entered his body and spoke through him, often in a Tsimshian or  Tlingit dialect (De Laguna, 1990:221).  The Tsimshian were considered to have very powerful shaman, and the Tlingit gained spiritual knowledge from them. 

The shaman wore a crown of several carved mountain goat horns, a woven Tlingit hat, or a hat made from a Chilkat blanket that was torn at a potlatch (Wardell, 1996:297).  They also wore a hide tunic painted with designs of their animal helper spirits, and an apron with puffin beak and deer dew claw appendages, and sometimes protective arm bands (Wardell, 1996:7 and 19).  On their neck the shaman wore a necklace with ivory and bone pendants, and utilized an oyster catcher rattle with carved figures of their animal spirit helpers, various bone or ivory amulets, and Tsimshian 'Soul Catchers'.  If the shaman was also a chief, he would use his traditional raven rattle and noble crest figures. 

Much of the "Shaman" regalia in museum collections today has been obtained without a clear description of the purpose or meaning of the various objects.  The amulets, crowns, round and oyster catcher rattles are known to be shaman tools, although the animal and human sculptures, the storage boxes, the undocumented masks and various other objects shamanistic use is uncertain (Wardwell, 1996:6-7).

If the shaman was consulted in the early stages of sickness, and was not opposed by stronger forces, he could summon the powerful animal helper spirits to heal or help the person in need.  If the sickness persisted, witchcraft was suspected and the services of another shaman from a different clan were sought (De Laguna, 1990:221).   The witch causing the illness was likely to be a near kinsman of the resident shaman, therefore an outsider was hired.

Witches were known as the masters of sickness, and as such were considered the antitheses of the shaman (Wardwell, 1996:92).  The witches purposely caused disease, discord and evil that only a shaman could reverse or remove.  The witches performed their craft in secrecy, whereas the shaman worked in public (Wardwell, 1996:92).   The witches frequented graveyards and communicated with the dead.  They had special powers such as flying, transforming into animal or bird forms and entering trance states (Wardwell, 1996:92).  The witches worked to recruit other members,and often cast spells on close relatives or members of their clan (DeLaguna, 1972: part 2, pg 728).

The witch was detected by the shaman in a highly theatrical spirit seance (De Laguna, 1990:221).  Once found, the witch was tightly bound with their head forced back by tying the hair to their bound hands that were placed behind their back.  A confession was coerced by pressing the thorny ' DevilsClub' plant stocks into their flesh, and they were also denied food and water (De Laguna, 1990:221). 

After a confession of guilt was obtained, the witch was forced to remove the spell on the sick person.  This was accomplished by removing the 'doll' that the witch made from scraps of the victim's clothing, hair or other personal effects that was placed at the side of a dog or human corpse (De Laguna,1990:212).  Once the 'doll' was removed and washed in the sea, the ill person was expected to recover.  The witch was sometimes bound and left on the beach to be drowned by the incoming tide (De Laguna, 1990:212).

The shaman practiced frequent and prolonged periods of fasting, thirsting, and often drank sea water or Devil's Club infusions (De Laguna, 1990:212).  He also abstained from sexual relations for periods of time.  Both the shaman and his wife were not permitted to cut their hair.  This strict lifestyle helped to keep the shaman 'fit' to receive and communicate with his helper animal spirits.

After the death of a shaman, the helper spirits were believed to still possess the corpse and his various shamanistic tools.  A junior successor could obtain these spirits by coming into contact with the corpse or grave house, and might experience dizziness, frequent and unexplained illness, fainting and seizures (De Laguna, 1990:212).  The former shaman's assistant would take the 'novice' into the woods to search and obtain a helper spirit in an animal form, the most common being the land otter (De Laguna, 1990:212).  The initiate could secure the spirit by killing the animal, sometimes by just looking at it or saying a certain word (De Laguna, 1972, part 2:677)  The shaman initiate then cut a section of the animals tongue and he prayed to the animal spirit (also called the yek) to surrender its power to him.   The young shaman returned to the woods to search for and obtain additional animal helper spirits.

Tlingit Ceremonies.
The Tlingit had three important feasts or potlatches; the children's feast, the funeral feast, and the memorial potlatch (Krause, 1956:163-165).  The memorial feast and the feast for the children were sometimes combined (De Laguna, 1990:220). 

The Tlingit memorial feast lasted either four, eight or more days and was attended by all members of the community as well as guest clans from other tribes (Olson, 1967:61).  The guests were given gifts for their attendance and services of honoring the deceased and witnessing the validations of the honors and prerogatives claimed by the hosts.  The hosts and new house master assumed the deceased person's title, and he displayed his crests and gave honorable names to the youngsters of his clan (De Laguna, 1990:220).

The clan sang morning songs, and tobacco was placed in the fire as an offering to all the deceased of the host clan. During the feast the next day, some food was placed into the fire to feed the deceased (De Laguna,  1990:220).  On the last day the history of the clan was told, and wealth was distributed to the visiting clans and to the people who worked on the funeral memorials or house (De Laguna, 1990:220).  Since the visiting clans displayed their crests also, they were required to pay the hosts to validate their claim to their crests (De Laguna, 1990: 220).

Wealthy chiefs held feasts to honor his oldest child, although all the children received honors (Olson, 1967:68-69).  The feasting lasted for several days, and ended with the piercing of the childrens' ears and tattooing of their crests on the hands of the female children (De Laguna, 1990:220).  Each time a feast was held for the children, they attained a higher status, and an additional piercing on their ears.  The guests were given gifts for their witnessing and validation of the children's claim to nobility.

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